{"id":646,"date":"2017-03-01T11:55:03","date_gmt":"2017-03-01T10:55:03","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/ea10.eu\/it\/?p=646"},"modified":"2017-03-01T11:55:03","modified_gmt":"2017-03-01T10:55:03","slug":"transnationalism-and-the-left","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ea10.eu\/it\/2017\/03\/01\/transnationalism-and-the-left\/","title":{"rendered":"Transnationalism and the Left"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">There seems to be a fundamental paradox in the current dialectic of globalisation and the numerous public debates surrounding it. We are constantly reminded of the inescapable supranational interconnectedness of contemporary economic reality, as recent buzzwords such as \u201cdelocalisation\u201d, \u201cdebt crisis\u201d, \u201cchina factor\u201d, etc. have served to describe. We are also aware of the increasingly cosmopolitan feel of European cities, providing a very tangible representation of the global migrations of the new century. \u00a0At the same time, however, a gaze at the political landscape seems to return us to a d\u00e9j\u00e0 of competition between states, imperialist ventures, and a tribal conception of the national interest. The Westphalian panorama of gated communities racing to reap the world\u2019s harvest seems to continue unchallenged, as recent international upheavals and the unprecedented insignificance of the United Nations might go to demonstrate. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Within such a reality, the spare arguments for a truly \u201cinternationalist\u201d behaviour on the part of developed countries are either understood in terms of sheer benevolence (a moral obligation, or Christian charity), or accused of representing an unwarranted intrusion in the affairs of foreign societies that easily transforms into an interested and profit-driven escapade (as many experiences of the IMF and World Bank have led to believe). <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">From an ethical standpoint, the dichotomy obliterates a crucial awareness: the appreciation that we are<\/span> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">actively responsible for the harm being perpetuated in our name with the maintenance of an unjust global organisation directly sustained by the governments that represent us. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And indeed it can be argued that the very possibility of isolation is today anachronistic, and the anachronism results from a belief that we can no longer debate \u201cthe <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">right<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> of interference\u201d when already faced, as Etienne Balibar has expressed it, with \u201cthe <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">fact<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> of interference\u201d. And with the duty to organise and direct its effects. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This is a most crucial difference, for upon its mystification hides the false thesis that the problem of world poverty does not concern us, citizens of the first world, aside from the charitable aid that we could offer (in all our generosity). Here also hides the suggestion that not doing anything is not immoral. Europe\u2019s retreat from the world stage \u2013 wished by many a postcolonialist and not without reason \u2013 proves to be neither ethically sound nor politically wise. To the extent that this abdication simply represents a green light to the powers that be \u2013 be it an Atlantic empire or the multinational rule of finance \u2013 it does not represent a morally justified response to the great horrors, of which \u201cEurope\u201d is surely in no little part responsible, that have haunted us over the course of the past century and continue to face us today. Is Pontius Pilate our ideal of justice?<\/span><\/p>\n<blockquote><p><strong><span style=\"color: #000080;\">This is a most crucial difference, for upon its mystification hides the false thesis that the problem of world poverty does not concern us, citizens of the first world, aside from the charitable aid that we could offer (in all our generosity). Here also hides the suggestion that not doing anything is not immoral. Europe\u2019s retreat from the world stage \u2013 wished by many a postcolonialist and not without reason \u2013 proves to be neither ethically sound nor politically wise. To the extent that this abdication simply represents a green light to the powers that be \u2013 be it an Atlantic empire or the multinational rule of finance \u2013 it does not represent a morally justified response to the great horrors, of which \u201cEurope\u201d is surely in no little part responsible, that have haunted us over the course of the past century and continue to face us today. Is Pontius Pilate our ideal of justice?<\/span><\/strong><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The current discourse on migration serves as an excellent example of this denial of responsibility. Europeans often act as if \u201cmigrants\u201d were being pushed on our lands by baffling gravitational forces or, in a splendid example of intellectual diversion, by \u201ccriminal gangs\u201d from the mysterious North African shores (and then the matter becomes one of \u201cfight against crime,\u201d but what is before, literally in front, of those \u201cgangs\u201d if not marching thousands). The state is inclined to view itself as a neutral actor that has nothing to do with migration, and which can respond either brutally or with sympathy (with <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">charity<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">), through a more or less strict regulation on asylum seeking procedures, more or less tight internal controls, concession of partial rights, etc. But, as Saskia Sassen has recently argued on <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Papeles de Cuestiones Internacionales<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, this hides the connection between the phenomenon of migration and the economic and military actions of the \u201creceiving\u201d countries or their prime economic actors. Jacques Derrida\u2019s address to the Writer\u2019s Congress later published as <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">On Cosmopolitanism<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, together with much of the discourse on \u201chospitality\u201d it has triggered, inadvertently seems to fall prey to just such an obliteration. This discourse risks missing the crucial awareness of the <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">un-foreign<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> nature of the causes that make of a foreigner an immigrant, it risks by-passing the very real daily unfolding of willed exploitation departing from our own capital cities, offering in response a generous disposition of the day-after. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Without removing anything from the utter importance of the fight for incorporation of the migrant populations into Europe (a disgrace for which many have begun employing the term of \u201cEuropean Apartheid\u201d), it would perhaps be worthwhile to raise the question of why, in the twenty-first century, we are faced with such baffling, monstrous, and unacceptable levels of disparity in the planet. And perhaps we should truly look at the terms of the GATT agreements, at Europe\u2019s trade policy and its effect on third world produce, or at the real moral implications of our own delocalised companies enforcing the lowest survival wage to citizens of the third world.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">China is repeatedly accused for its sad record on human rights, environmental protection, and inhuman\u00a0treatment of its workers. Over the course of the summer a new labour law has been passed, increasing the role of trade unions (although these remain state-controlled) in the workplace and calling for greater social security for the workers. The new law includes a stricter code governing layoffs and a reduction on the employment of \u201ctemporary\u201d workers without contracts or benefits. <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/>\n<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Through the long run-up to the approval of the law by the party congress, strong pressures have been exercised by Western multinational corporations to water-down the bill. The American Chamber of Commerce in Shanghai, backed by the US-China Business Council, threatened that many companies would leave China in favour of more attractive &#8211; read <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">less regulated<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> &#8211; job markets such as those in Vietnam.The European Chamber of Commerce initially behaved just as its American equivalent. Faced with mounting criticism from human rights and labour organisations, it finally backed off and renounced its threats.\u00a0<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In an example of the moral contradiction of our societies, European governments have been peculiarly silent about these events. No serious discussion in the media has taken place. This, and it is to be stated with the maximum of force, is unacceptable.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But little of this discussion seems to be present amongst the European left. In the program of the French socialists, in the demands of the more radical elements in the centre-left coalition in Italy, in the dialectic of the Spanish or German left\u2014one finds little inclination to truly militate for a structural readjustment of the unequal relations of power that currently govern the rapport between nations and which are at the basis of so much widespread suffering on our own planet (of <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">power<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> understood in the most ample sense, but, to use just one declination, we can mention unequal <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">commercial<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> relations). <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">An intervention that is not merely humanitarian &#8211; one aiming instead at the very core of the global interpenetration of economical, technological, and cultural processes &#8211; is surely beyond the capacities of any individual nation state. To truly enact a positive global transformation and to seriously address the immense social inequalities and moral injustices with which this planet overflows\u2014could we name one European country capable of doing this?<\/span><\/p>\n<blockquote><p><strong><span style=\"color: #000080;\">An intervention that is not merely humanitarian &#8211; one aiming instead at the very core of the global interpenetration of economical, technological, and cultural processes &#8211; is surely beyond the capacities of any individual nation state. To truly enact a positive global transformation and to seriously address the immense social inequalities and moral injustices with which this planet overflows\u2014could we name one European country capable of doing this?<\/span><\/strong><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All international organisations, beginning with the UN, the IMF, and the World Bank, have thus far proved totally ineffective in truly addressing the problem of global poverty and inequality. But then\u2014as the world\u2019s largest economy, could this not become the role of the European Union? Is that not what <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">we<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> should ask the European Union <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">to<\/span><\/i> <i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">do<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">? In much criticism against the neo-liberalism of the EU, as for example evidenced by recent writing in <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Le Monde Diplomatique<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, one often finds a lack of a positive <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">alternative<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> vision of what a truly renovated European union could achieve. But this should be our task. Let us not forget that trade \u2013 one of the most powerful weapons to address the current global economic imbalance, a far more powerful instrument than aid or any \u201cstructural funds\u201d can ever be \u2013 is currently managed by the EU on behalf of its member states. Should we not actively push for this tool to be used in novel ways? The material potential existing, should we not militate for its alternative employment? <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/>\n<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Faced with an increasingly Hobbesian world ruled by particular interest, it is in the unexplored terrain of global responsibility that Europe must find its call. And the enactment of this transformation is how we can understand the \u201cadventurous\u201d Europe Zygmunt Bauman called for on the pages of the last issue of this publication.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But the crucial objection is well encapsulated by Henri Dorion in the exhibition catalogue of <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Fronteres<\/span><\/i> <i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[see review on next page]<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">; \u201cshould we place hope\u201d, he rhetorically asks, \u201cin the goodwill of our civil authorities in turning a border of separation into a border of contact? This is much generosity when we can reap great benefits on proximity based on differences\u201d. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">There are great (economical) benefits to a proximity based on difference. But this very realisation, this very objection, is it not what should forcefully be brought to the fore? In the hope that any remaining sense of justice might finally produce that <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">enraged<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> citizenry that morality now so decidedly demands, should this not become the focus of our discussions? Common sense prescribes profound scepticism towards the current capacities of any European union to truly enact an alternative global politics. But hasn\u2019t this, in our long history, always been the condition faced by emerging political alternatives? And instead of a recoiling-back, isn\u2019t the correct posture a charge forward? Faced with the insufficiency of the present moment, should we not militate for the coming-alive of a genuine European consensus, understood as the consensus of the citizens of Europe and their political consciousness?\u00a0<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This is also what it means for Europe to become <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">political<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, to be invested with serious projections of its potential futures surpassing the restricted scope of the national discourse. But instead of complaints, Europe should become a race of <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">ideas<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. And of actions.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Lorenzo Marsili<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>There seems to be a fundamental paradox in the current dialectic of globalisation and the numerous public debates surrounding it. We are constantly reminded of the inescapable supranational interconnectedness of contemporary economic reality, as recent buzzwords such as \u201cdelocalisation\u201d, \u201cdebt crisis\u201d, \u201cchina factor\u201d, etc. have served to describe. We are also aware of the increasingly&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><a class=\"btn btn-style\" href=\"https:\/\/ea10.eu\/it\/2017\/03\/01\/transnationalism-and-the-left\/\">Continue Reading<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":615,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"qubely_global_settings":"","qubely_interactions":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-646","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-non-categorizzato"],"qubely_featured_image_url":{"full":["https:\/\/ea10.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/02\/7232226434_f38921742c_z.jpg",640,427,false],"landscape":["https:\/\/ea10.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/02\/7232226434_f38921742c_z.jpg",640,427,false],"portraits":["https:\/\/ea10.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/02\/7232226434_f38921742c_z.jpg",480,320,false],"thumbnail":["https:\/\/ea10.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/02\/7232226434_f38921742c_z-150x150.jpg",150,150,true],"medium":["https:\/\/ea10.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/02\/7232226434_f38921742c_z-300x200.jpg",300,200,true],"medium_large":["https:\/\/ea10.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/02\/7232226434_f38921742c_z.jpg",640,427,false],"large":["https:\/\/ea10.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/02\/7232226434_f38921742c_z.jpg",640,427,false],"1536x1536":["https:\/\/ea10.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/02\/7232226434_f38921742c_z.jpg",640,427,false],"2048x2048":["https:\/\/ea10.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/02\/7232226434_f38921742c_z.jpg",640,427,false],"qubely_landscape":["https:\/\/ea10.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/02\/7232226434_f38921742c_z.jpg",640,427,false],"qubely_portrait":["https:\/\/ea10.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/02\/7232226434_f38921742c_z.jpg",480,320,false],"qubely_thumbnail":["https:\/\/ea10.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/02\/7232226434_f38921742c_z.jpg",140,93,false],"speaker-thumb":["https:\/\/ea10.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/02\/7232226434_f38921742c_z-458x427.jpg",458,427,true],"blog-full":["https:\/\/ea10.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/02\/7232226434_f38921742c_z.jpg",640,427,false],"blog-medium":["https:\/\/ea10.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/02\/7232226434_f38921742c_z-640x400.jpg",640,400,true],"gallery-medium":["https:\/\/ea10.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/02\/7232226434_f38921742c_z.jpg",570,380,false],"blog-small":["https:\/\/ea10.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/02\/7232226434_f38921742c_z-360x230.jpg",360,230,true],"speaker-medium":["https:\/\/ea10.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/02\/7232226434_f38921742c_z.jpg",350,234,false],"x-blog-small":["https:\/\/ea10.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/02\/7232226434_f38921742c_z-94x60.jpg",94,60,true]},"qubely_author":{"display_name":"marta.cillero","author_link":"https:\/\/ea10.eu\/it\/author\/marta-cillero\/"},"qubely_comment":0,"qubely_category":"<a href=\"https:\/\/ea10.eu\/it\/category\/non-categorizzato\/\" rel=\"category tag\">Non categorizzato<\/a>","qubely_excerpt":"There seems to be a fundamental paradox in the current dialectic of globalisation and the numerous public debates surrounding it. We are constantly reminded of the inescapable supranational interconnectedness of contemporary economic reality, as recent buzzwords such as \u201cdelocalisation\u201d, \u201cdebt crisis\u201d, \u201cchina factor\u201d, etc. have served to describe. We are also aware of the increasingly&nbsp;Continue&hellip;","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ea10.eu\/it\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/646","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ea10.eu\/it\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ea10.eu\/it\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ea10.eu\/it\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ea10.eu\/it\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=646"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/ea10.eu\/it\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/646\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":647,"href":"https:\/\/ea10.eu\/it\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/646\/revisions\/647"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ea10.eu\/it\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/615"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ea10.eu\/it\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=646"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ea10.eu\/it\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=646"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ea10.eu\/it\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=646"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}